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Photographic 

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23  WIST  MAIN  STRfe^T 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  145«*> 

(716)  872-*  503 


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plua  grand  toin,  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  Taxamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformit!^  avac  lat  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 


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lion.  or  the  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
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sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


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shall  contain  the  symbol  — »>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  exemplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
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darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  second 
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originaux  sont  filmte  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
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empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -*•  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  difftrents. 
Lorsque  la  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  film*  *  partir 
da  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

?p 


SPEECH 


OF 


EOl^.  SAMUEL  GOUDON,  OF  NEW  YORK, 


ON 


THE  OREGON   QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  WEDNESDAY,  JANUARY  14,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

BLAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS. 

184G. 


Y, 


vWp 


i 


Hbe  resolut 
Affairs,  rf 
Britain  of 
terminate 
abrojjate 

ticonsiderai 

Mr.GOR 
^t  tiiis  lute  i 
disposition  I 
had  been  at 
Ijpd  been  s 
tte  grave  to 
ridiculous— 
anything  ik 
Still,  having 
tp  address  i 
say.  He  h 
for  that  voti 

The  Pres 
Mr.  G.)  ha 
pation  of  th 

Sg  of  the  I 
at  conven 
Viendation, 
has  iriforme 
to  the  Brit 
Resident  hei 
Jiistory  of  tl 
to  the  date 
jfi,  shall  Coi 
;I*resident? 
which  he  b 
the  rights  c 
ritory?    Oi 
and  carry  o 
and  prescn 
a  great  nat 
only  amon 
Pemocratic 
|ind  grave  i 
J    I  will  no 
Jaclonged  1 
ment,  and 
ister  in  the 
the  cleares 
able,  can 
J  to  fortify  1 
I  weaken  ai 
that  he  wl 
,  would  not 
*  to  our  res] 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


Phe  resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreig:n 

Afinirs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 

Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 

'  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 

i  abrogate  the  convention  of  1827,  being  under 

consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  GORDON  obtahied  the  floor,  and  said  that, 
aX  tills  late  and  protracted  stage  of  tlie  debate,  liis 
disposition  to  take  part  in  it  was  much  less  th.an  it  ■ 
had  been  at  its  commencement.     Indeed,  so  much  I 
Ijftd  been  said,  in  such  a  variety  of  forms — from  | 
t^e  grave  to  the  gay,  and  from  the  sublime  to  the 
ndiculous — that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  say 
anything  new,  or  anythhig  old  in  a  new  form. 
Still,  having  manifested  quae  an  early  disposition 
tp  address  the  committee,  he  Iiad  a  few  words  to 
Bay.     He  had  a  vote  to  give,  and  reasons  to  assign 
for  that  vote,  for  which  he  alone  was  responsible. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  (continued 
Mr.  G.)  has  recommended  to  Congress  the  termi- 
nation of  the  joint  convention  of  1837,  by  the  giv- 
uig  of  the  twelve  months'  notice  provided  for  by 
Uiat  convention;  and,  in  order  to  justify  that  recom- 
mendation, he  has  stated  his  reasons  for  it.  He 
has  informed  us  of  the  offer  of  compromise  made 
to  the  British  Governmeiu,  through  her  Minister 
Resident  here;  and  he  has  also  reviewed  the  whole 
history  of  the  negotiation,  from  the  year  1818  down 
to  the  date  of  his  Message ;  and  the  question  now 
16,  shall  Conf:,ress  adopt  tlic  recommendation  of  the 
president?  Shall  we  direct  that  notice  to  be  given 
which  he  believes  necessary  to  be  given,  to  secure 
the  rights  of  the  United  States  in  the  Oregon  Ter- 
ritory? Or  shall  we  decline,  and  refuse  to  execute 
and  carry  out  the  reconnnendation  of  the  President, 
and  present  to  the  civilized  world  the  sijcctacle  of 
a  great  nation  divided  in  its  councils — divided  not 
only  among  ourselves  into  parties,  but  even  the 
Democratic  party  split  up  into  factions  on  so  great 
and  grave  a  subject  ? 

I  will  not  discuss  our  title  to  Oregon.  That  duty 
belonged  to  anotiicr  department  of  this  Govern- 
pient,  and  most  ably  was  it  performed.     Our  min- 
ister in  the  late  negotiation  exhibited  our  claim  in 
the  clearest  and  strongest  light.     No  one,  however 
.able,  can  do  it  better;  and  whoever  shall  attempt 
„to  fortify  his  positions  will  utterly  fail,  and  only 
|Weaken  and  obscure  that  which  now  is  so  plain 
^that  he  who  runs  may  read  and  understand.     I 
v_^  would  not  add  or  alter  a  syllable.     He  is  entitled 
"tto  our  respect  for  the  great  ability  with  whicli  he 


conducted  the  argument,  and  the  skill  and  power 
with  which  he  brushed  away  the  cloud  of  mist  in 
which  previous  negotiation  had  seemingly  involved 
our  rights. 

Gentlemen  say  that  the  notice  is  cause  and  ground 
of  war,  and  that  we  are  not  prepared  for  war.  I 
deny  that  the  giving  this  notice  is  either  a  just 
cause  of  war,  or  any  ground  whatsoever  of  war. 
It  is  provided  for  in  the  convention  itself.  We 
have  the  same  right  to  give  the  notice  to  terminate 
that  convention  that  Great  Britain  herself  has;  and 
who  will  dare  to  say,  here  or  elsewhere,  in  solemn 
and  serious  argument,  that  if  Great  Britain  gives 
us  notice,  we  have  a  right  to  declare  war  against 
that  Power  for  the  adoption  of  a  measure  provided 
for  in  the  very  treaty  now  under  consideration  ?  Sir, 
it  is  not  this  notice  which  would  lead  to  war,  or 
that  would  be  the  cause  of  war.  If  war  is  to  grow 
out  of  this  controversy  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  it 
will  come  of  those  measures  which  everybody 
avows  himself  ready  to  go  for;  which  measures,  in 
that  distant  region,  would  bring  British  subjects 
into  conflict  with  American  citizens,  and  the  Amer- 
ican Government  with  the  British  Government. 
This  it  is  that  will  enkindle  the  flame  of  war,  if 
war  is  to  grow  out  of  the  controversy  between 
these  two  Powers. 

Gentlemen  have  painted  the  horrors  of  war  in 
the  most  vivid  colors  and  the  most  haggard  fea- 
tures. But  what  have  we  ever  lost  by  war  that  we 
should  disparage  it  ?  Nothing.  On  the  contrary, 
we  have  gained  everything  by  it.  For  what  we 
are,  and  what  we  possess,  wc  are  indebted  to  war. 
The  old  French  war  nursed  in  its  tent  the  young 
Hercules  of  America,  and  trained  him  up  for  the 
Revqlution — a  general  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
whose  fame  as  a  Marrior  outfihincs  that  of  Alex- 
ander, Ca-sar,  or  Napoleon.  His  deeds  in  aiTns 
arc  the  pride  and  boast  and  honor  of  the  great  na- 
tion he  founded.  The  revolutionary  war  resulted 
in  the  establishment  of  these  United  States.  The 
last  war  with  Great  Britain  gave  the  freedom  of 
the  seas  to  the  commerce  of  the  world.  The  next 
war  with  that  power  will  expel  her  from  this  conti- 
nent. Though  a  peace-loving  people,  wc  are, 
when  aroused  in  defensive  war,  the  most  warlike 
race  ever  clad  in  armor.  Let  war  come,  if  it  will 
come;  boldly  and  fiimly  we  will  meet  its  shock, 
and  roll  back  its  wave  on  the  "fast-anchored  isle 
of  Britain,"  and  dash  its  furious  flood  over  those 
who  raised  the  storir.  but  could  not  direct  its  course. 


i. 


>.J-  • 


I 


Ours  is  the  last  pcoplr,  in  n  craven  spirit,  to  Iwis;  for 
peace.  In  ii  just  v,ar,  as  this  would  he,  on  our 
part,  the  sound  of  tlie  clnrion  would  lie  llio  sweet- 
«'St  music  tliiit  could  jrreet  our  ears.  It  will  not  do 
to  attempt  to  intimidate  the  citizen  soldiers  of  this 
Rreat  Reiiuhlic  with  threats  of  airiri'essive  war,  if 
you  mean  to  preserve  the  peace  of  nations. 

Should  war  be  declared,  New  York  would  not 
i)e  absent  at  the  call  of  the  roll.  Her  position, 
commercial  and  geoj^raphical,  is  sucii  that  she  must 
sustain  the  brunt.  From  that  responsilulity  she 
would  not  shrink,  but  freely  (»nd  fearlessly  assume 
it.  She  prefers  peace  to  war,  but  war  to  dishonor. 
13ut,  sir,  there  will  be  no  \\'ar — there  will  be  no  war, 
because  oiu-  rii.'-hts  arc  paramount  to  Great  Rrit- 
nin's,and  because  Great  Britain  is  awnre  of  our 
determination,  our  valor,  niul  our  resources. 

The  growin;;  disposition  of  Eni^Iand  for  free 
trade  is  favorable  to  peace  With  the  annexation 
of  Texas  we  own  nearly  all  the  cotton  lands  in  the 
world.  She  is  dependant  on  us  for  cotton.  One 
week's  su[>ply  of  cotton  warning  in  the  factories 
of  England,  places  the  country  o'l  the  verge  of  a 
revolution.  The  powerful  bankers,  the  princely 
merchants,  and  the  cotton  lords,  backed  by  the 
middling  classes,  whose  daily  gains  de)iend  on  the 
prevalence  of  peace,  are  too  strong  for  the  English 
oligarchy  to  resist.  The  salvation  of  England  de- 
pends upon  uninterrupted  relatioiis  in  commerce 
with  the  United  States.  The  maintenance  of  these 
relations  is  of  great  importance  to  the  United 
States;  but  it  is  not  vitally  so.  The  United  States 
could  sttuid  the  shock  of  a  ruj)ture,  but  England 
would  crumble  under  it.  The  United  States,  as 
the  great  cotton  grower  of  the  world,  possesses  a 
vast  power.  It  is  understood  and  felt  by  the  civ- 
ilized world.  With  this  power  they  control  the 
commercial  world,  and  by  this  power  they  can 
command  peace,  at  least  for  themselves.  She  there- 
fore desires  no  war.  She  would  hesitate  long 
before  she  would  declare  war,  even  if  her  rights 
were  invaded  by  the  United  States.  The  income 
tax,  imposed  to  pay  the  interest  on  her  vast  national 
debt,  is  the  last  resource  of  revenue.  Everything 
else  had  been  taxed  to  the  utmost.  She  would 
have  to  resort  to  forced  loans  for  the  means  of  war. 
She  is  not  only  dependant  on  us  for  cotton,  but  we 
are  her  best  customer,  at  least  would  be,  under  a 
judicious  and  reciprocal  adjustment  of  the  respect- 
ive tariffs  of  the  two  countries,  by  which  our 
breadstuff's  and  agricultural  products  would  en- 
ter her  ports,  and  her  manufactures  ours  in  ex- 
change. We,  however,  can  live  without  her,  ta- 
riff or  no  tariff,  peace  or  war;  but  she  cannot  exist 
without  us  in  relations  of  peace  and  commerce. 
We  have  the  resources  and  internal  trade  of  a  con- 
tinent. She  is  limited  to  a  small  island,  and  her 
famishing  millions  live  from  hand  to  mouth,  de- 
pendant on  the  cotton  trade.  Stop  their  looms, 
and  you  stop  their  daily  bread.  War  with  the 
United  States  would  be  the  most  suicidal  policy 
she  could  pursue:  and  she  is  not  so  blind  as  not  to 
see  it.  The  whole  of  Oregon  is  of  vastly  less  im- 
portance to  her  than  a  year's  supply  of  raw  cotton. 
The  habits  and  business  of  her  people  are  deeply 
and  vitally  identified  with  the  manufacture  of  cot- 
ton, and  the  cottoti-goods  market  of  the  world. 
Our  breadstuflfs  are  becoming  quite  important  to 
her.  Hence  there  will  be  no  war  declarca  by  Great 
Britain  for  this  territory,  even  if  we  should  take 


all  east  of  the  Russian  line,  and  west  of  the! 
of  the  Rocky  mounlnins,  up  to  the  polar  on 
But  we  want  only  what  belongs  to  us  by  clear, 
inir|uestionablc,  title,  and  that  we  will  liave. 
the  United  States  have  to  do  to  preserve  peace, 
to  uphold  their  rights,  and  carry  out  the  grand  i! 
trine,  that  no  part  of  the  continent  of  North  An 
ica,  at  least,  is  open  to  further  colonization  or, 
tiement  by  any  foreign  or  monarchical  govt 
ment. 

Bill  it  is  said  we  are  not  prepared  for  war.     f 
wo  are  as  much  ]ire|iared  as  we  ever  were,  or  ' 
I  trust,  we  ever  shall  be,  in  time  of  peace.     1 
are  as  much  prepared  now  as  we  \vere  when 
Revolution  broke  (uit;  we  are  as  much  prepared 
we  wore  when  war  with  Great  Britain  was  last, 
clared.     If  love  of  country  and  a  devotion  to  rep' 
lican  institutions — if  the  right  of  citizens  to  li' 
arms  in  time  of  peace — is  preparation  for  war,  tl 
are  we  prepared.    We  have  more  than  two  millii 
of  fighting  men,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and 
have  eighteen  millions  of  people,  ready  and  able 
feed  and  clothe  and  sustain  them  in  the  conlli 
We  have  all  the  raw  viatiriel  of  war;  we  have  ' 
requisite  skill,  capital,  and  machinery  to  make  t' 
niatcrkl  useful,  and  to  convert  it  into  instrumt 
of  defence.     We  are  prepared  for  war — not,  to 
sure,  by  a  large  expensive  navy,  nor  by  a  stand: 
army.     It  is  not  our  policy  to  suckle  armies  a 
dry-nurse  the  land;  and  until.  I  shall  be  satisf: 
that  war  is  to   come,  and  that  we  are  to  have 
aggressive  war  by  Great  Britain,  I  shall  not  be  p 

fared  much  to  enlarge  either  the  army  or  the  na\ 
repeat,  then,  we  are  as  much  prepared  for  v 
to-day  as  we  ever  shall  be,  or  ever  ought  to  be, 
time  of  peace.  I  would  rather  lose  battles  duri 
the  first  year  of  a  war  than  I  would  consent, 
time  of  peace,  to  build  up  a  large  and  expensi 
navy,  or  to  establish  a  standing  army,  when 
war  might  come.  The  cost  of  the  army  and  i 
navy,  the  injury  to  our  free  institutions,  would 
greater  far  than  any  declaration  of  war,  coming  i 
expected  upon  us,  even  though  for  the  first  yc 
we  might  suflTer  defeat.  But,  sir,  I  repeat,  we  c 
ready;  we  have  two  millions  of  brave  men,  reii' 
at  the  call  of  their  country  to  march  to  the  front 
the  battle  whenever  and  wherever  the  cloud  of  v 
might  lower. 

In  order  to  ascertain  whether  this  notice  shot 
be  given  or  not,  it  is  necessary  to  understand  wl. 
are  the  rights  of  Great  Britain,  and  what  the  rigl 
of  the  United  States,  under  this  joint  conventi 
of  1818,  indefinitely  continued  by  the  convent!- 
of  1827.  By  this  convention  it  was  provided  tl; 
the  citizens,  subjects,  and  vessels  of  Great  Britn 
and  the  United  States  should  be  free  to  enter  tl 
territory,  its  bays,  harbors,  creeks,  and  rivers,  the 
to  trade  with  the  natives.  There  is  no  pov 
given  to  Great  Britain  to  exercise  sovereign  acts 
authority;  but  under  this  treaty,  which  gave  certa 
privileges  to  British  subjects,  but  none  to  the  Br; 
ish  Government,  what  has  that  Government  dnii. 
In  the  first  place,  she  has  incorpcrated  the  Hii- 
son  Bay  Company — a  second  East  India  Comp 
ny — and  s!ie  has  jjiven  to  it  the  monopoly  of  tl 
whole  trade  of  this  Northw.estern  territory — tin 
denying  to  her  own  subjects  those  very  ri|hts  an 
priv'ileges  which  were  ceded  to  them  by  this  cnr 
vention.  She  has  gone  on,  in  violation  and  in  de 
fiance  of  this  treaty,  to  establish  courts  of  civil  an 


rrimiil 

sectiol 

over 

Greatl 

in  al 

gave 

whi<lj 

a  corjl 

lish 

Her 

thirlyl 

her  rf 

what,! 

Whilf 

of  thif 

has 

claim! 

pies  oj 

pointi 

there  | 

care 

dian  tl 

comp 

East 

this  1 

dian 

own 

of  so 


to  tli(!  polar  oci 
n,'.s  to  UN  l)v  clnii- 
tt  we  will  jiuve. 
10  prrsorvo  j)car(«, 
rryoiittlio-iaiiiii! 
iiiciitofN„rtli  All 
T  f'olonizuiioii  or 
iiioimrchical  govi 

epfircd  for  wnr.     f 
\v(i  ever  were,  or  " 
time  of  peace.     1 
s  we  were  when 
fi.s  niucii  jircparcd 
t  Britain  was  last, 
I  a  devotion  to  reji' 
t  of  eiti/ens  to  ]<■ 
aration  for  war,  tl 
>i-e  than  two  milli( 
tlieir  hands,  and 
le,  ready  and  able 
lieni  in  tlie  coniii 
3f  war;  we  luive  i 
L'hincry  to  make  t' 

it  into  instrunii 

for  war — not,  to 
y.nor  by  a  stand: 

suckle  armies  a 
I  shall  ))e  satisf 
we  are  to  have 
11,1  shall  not  be  ]i 
e  army  or  tlie  na\ 
1  ]ii-ej)ared  for  v 
pver  ought  to  be, 
■  lose  l)attles  duri 

would  consent, 
u'ge  and  expensi 
ng  army,  when 
'  the  army  and  i 
stitutions,  would 
of  war,  coming  \i 
\  for  the  first  yc 
ir,  I  repeat,  we  c 

brave  men,  rca' 
arch  to  the  front 
3r  the  cloud  of  w 

this  notice  shot. 

0  understand  wl, 
nd  what  the  rig! 
!  joint  conventi' 
by  the  conventii 
was  provided  tli 
s  of  Great  Rriti 

'■  free  to  enter  tl, 
3,  and  rivers,  thr 
lere  is  no  pov 
3  sovereign  acts 
vhich  gave  certa 
;  none  to  the  Br: 
Jovernment  doiv 
^crated  the  Hii- 
ist  India  Comp 
monopoly  of  ti     ' 

1  territory — tin: 
e  verv  rights  an 
lem  by  this  cnr 
)lation  and  in  df 
ourts  of  civil  an 


criminal  jurisdiction,  to  build  her  forts  in  every 
section,  and  to  establish  a  military  government 
over  the  entire  territf)ry.  The  Govcrmnent  of 
Great  Ihitiiin  is  at  this  moment  firmly  established 
in  all  that  territory.  Under  thisjoint  treaty,  which 
gave  to  iter  sui>jccfs  certain  trading  privil(>ges,  of 
which  she  has  deprived  them,  and  conferred  iijion 
a  corporation,  Great  Britain  has  gone  on  to  estal)- 
lish  a  government — military,  civil,  and  jjolitical. 
Her  flag  is  erected  on  every  fort — numbering  some 
thirty — and  she  is  now,  by  iier  flag,  proclaiming 
her  right  of  dominion  over  this  territory.  And 
what,  in  the  mean  time,  have  we  done?  Nothing. 
While  we  have  been  sleeping,  under  the  inlluetice 
of  this  "  masterly  inactivity,"  she,  step  by  step, 
has  been  encroaching  upon  this  territory,  and 
claiming  it  as  her  own.  Whilst  we  have  had  scru- 
ples al)out  this  treaty,  she  has  violated  it  at  every 
point;  and  instead  of  suffering  her  subjects  to  go 
there  and  trade,  she,  under  the  jiretcnce  of  taking 
care  of  them,  and  keeping  in  check  the  savage  In- 
dian tribes,  has  established  a  government  there  as 
complete  and  as  perfect  as  that  existing  under  the 
East  India  Company  cliarter.  It  may  be  said  that 
this  government  is  necessary  to  control  these  In- 
dian tribes,  to  regulate  trade,  and  to  protect  her 
own  subjects.  If,  in  connection  with  these  acts 
of  sovereign  power,  she  had  not  claimed  the  terri- 
tory itself,  there  might  be  some  pretext  for  the  ar- 
gument. But  the  quo  animo  cf  these  acts  had  lieen 
made  manifest  by  her  claim  to  the  territory  itself. 
She  has  exercised  the  highest  sovereign  power, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  has  claimed  the  territory 
and  the  soil,  and  refuses  to  acknowledge  our  rights  ' 
within  it. 

I  believe  that  no  gentleman  who  has  spoken  in 
tliis  House,  nor  any  one  out  of  it,  has  pretended 
that  we  are  to  surrender  any  territory  south  of  49°. 
And  yet,  unless  we  give  this  notice,  and  extend  our 
laws  and  jurisdiction  over  this  territory,  all  the  ter- 
ritory south  of  49°,  and  north  and  west  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  is  as  certain  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Great  Britain,  as  it  is  certain  tliat  she  is  now  there 
asserting  her  claim.  Until  the  notice  is  given,  and 
suitable  measures  are  adopted  for  their  protection, 
I  will  venture  to  say  that  no  American  citizen 
will  undertake  to  settle  north  of  the  Columbia. 
The  territory  nortii  of  tlie  Columbia  has  been 
occupied  by  British  forts,  and  settlements,  and 
subjects;  and  not  an  American  citizen  has  gone, 
or  will  dare  to  go,  north  of  the  Columltia  for  fet- 
tlenient.  Whether  they  are  to  be  bought  up,  or 
tomahawked ,  or  to  have  the  Indians  set  upon  tliem, 
is  immaterial.  Go  there  they  will  not,  until  such 
time  as  this  Governinent  shall  assert  its  just  rights, 
and  show  the  people  there  that  they  are  to  be  pro- 
tected l)y  all  its  power,  under  the  just  claim  which 
we  possi'ss. 

What  will  be  the  effect  of  continuing  this  con- 
vention >  It  will  give  all  this  territory  soutli  of  49° 
and  north  and  west  of  the  Columbia  river,  to  Great 
Britain;  and  this  is  what  is  called  "  masterly  inac- 
tivity." Oregon  on  time!  the  South  Carolina  poli- 
cy !  which  would  to-morrow  fiercely  wage  war 
against  the  world  for  the  conquest  of  Cuba  or  Cali- 
fornia, (I  will  not  say  Mexico,  because  I  do  not 
believe  she  wants  it,)  but  would  rather  that  the 
whole  of  Oregon  down  to  42°  should  belong  to 
Great  Britain  than  to  the  United  States.  Yes,  sir; 
•  this  is  the  South  Carolina  policy ! — a  policy  identi- 


cal, in  regard  to  that  territory,  with  the  British 
policy  itself. 

Great  Britain  has  numerous  forts  south  of  49°,  or 
in  that  part  of  the  territory  which  lies  north  of  the 
C<ilumbia;  and  she  even  lias  one  fort  two  hundred 
miles  soutii  of  the  Columbia  river — F'ort  Utnqua. 
Are  gentlemen  prepared  to  give  up  this  territory 
soutli  of  49°.'  Gentlemen  say  this  siilject  should 
be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  President — that  it  is  on 
executive  concern.  But,  sir,  the  giving  this  notice 
will  not  take  from  the  Executive  department  of  the 
Government  its  proper,  independent  jurisdiction. 
That  will  remain  where  it  is,  in  slatu  quo.  Wiicther 
any  treaty  is  to  be  ratified  between  this  Govern- 
ment and  Gieat  Britain,  or  whether  any  offers  are 
to  be  made  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  I  know 
not,  nor  will  I  interfere  with  that  question.  I  will 
not  inquire,  nor  anticipate  what  offer  the  Execu- 
tive would  receive,  or  Great  Britain  make.  But 
if  any  offer  should  l)e  made,  I  trust  that  the  Ex- 
ecutive will  ratify  no  treaty  that  would  not  re- 
ceive; the  sanction  of  the  nation,  and  accord  with 
the  just  rights  of  our  people.  I  am  willing  to  leave 
that  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  where 
this  notice  would  leave  it,  where  it  now  is,  and 
with  which  we  cannot  interfere. 

Great  Britain  has  manifested  a  disposition  to 
contend  not  only  for  the  territory  north  of  forty- 
nine  degrees,  but  for  that  north  of  the  Columbia 
river.  And  if  we  arc  to  contend  for  any  part  of 
this  territory,  we  may  as  well,  if  the  conflict  is  to 
come,  contend  for  that  north  of  forty-nine  degrees 
as  for  that  between  forty-nine  degrees  and  the 
Columbia. 

I  believe  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to 
540  40'  is  "  clear  and  unquestionable;"  and  that 
below  49°,  under  no  circumstances,  is  an  inch  of 
this  territorv  to  be  surrendered  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment. Whether  the  territory  north  of  49°  and 
south  of  54°  40'  is  a  matter  of  compromise,  nego- 
tiation, and  settlement  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments, I  will  not  now  undertake  to  say.  It  is  suffi- 
cient for  me  to  repeat  the  expression  of  my  belief 
that  our  title  up  to  54°  40'  is  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable." 

Much  has  been  said  about  the  power  of  Great 
Britain,  and  the  danger  of  entering  upon  a  war 
with  her;  that  we  must  forego  our  treaty  rights, 
because  she  is  a  powerful  and  a  dangerous  foe; 
that  her  colonies  and  her  possessions  encircle  the 
world  from  north  to  south,  from  east  to  west;  and 
that  this  would  be  mo  little  war,  but  a  contest  be- 
tween sj'stems — a  long,  protracted,  arduous,  and 
bloody  war.  Now,  if  Great  Britain  encircles  the 
world  with  her  possessions,  it  only  argues  her 
weakness,  not  her  strength.  She  has  to  maintain 
larg  armies  in  the  East  Indies,  and  a  military 
force  in  Canada.  In  all  her  settlements,  it  is  ne- 
cessary for  her  to  maintain  a  military  establish- 
ment; and,  therefore,  I  say  that  her  extended  col- 
onies, her  vast  power  in  that  respect,  is,  in  fact, 
only  her  weakness.  And  if  a  declaration  of  war 
should  come — and  if  it  comes  at  all,  it  must  be 
from  her  and  not  from  us — it  will  be  the  signal  of 
her  dissolution.  Her  restless  colonies  would  then 
have  an  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow;  and  at  this 
moment  sne  is  weaker  than  she  ever  was  at  any 
time  since  she  became  mistress  of  the  seas.  The 
defeat  of  her  aggressive  attack  upon  the  Chinese 
would  have  proved  her  downfall.    Let  her  once 


I 


become  engngcd  in  war,  and  let  Canada  or  Irclaiid  | 
evince  u  (lispn.sitidii  lo  rr^aiii  tliuir  lo8l  iiid('|)t'ii(l- 
ence,  and  the  Ijiiti.sli  cinpire  will  be  at  an  etui.  \ 
Slie  itnows  it.  Slie  is  le.s.s  ready  to  ^o  to  war,  and 
less  aljle  to  iiiaiiitaiii  a  war,  citlier  olleiisive  or 
defensive,  than  citiier  France,  llu.s.sia,  or  the  United 
Slates.  Siie  has  too  many  colonies.  They  require 
armies  and  navies  to  liecp  them  in  siihjection.  Slic 
wants  more  concentrated  jiowur.  Tiie  extended 
camjiai^ns  and  tiie  nmuerons  coneiuesls  of  Napo- 
leon consigned  him  to  bani-sinnent  at  St.  Helena; 
and  the  extensive  conquests  of  Great  Britain  will 
be  her  grave, 

I  do  not  know  that  I  shall  dread  the  conflict,  if 
it  come;  .md  I  venture  to  say  that  Great  Britain 
dreads  it  more  tiian  the  United  States.  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  indeed,  in  a  speech  made  in  the  British  Par- 
liament responsi-'c  to  the  Inaujjural  Address  of  the 
President,  blu&lored  about  war;  but  it  was  intended 
to  ojierate  on  the  weak  nerves  of  the  American  peo- 
ple and  Government.  He  had  tried  this  course  of 
action  in  the  ease  of  AIcLeod,  when  other  men 
were  at  the  helm  of  this  Government;  and  he  had 
found  that  bluster  and  bravado  had  had  their  ef- 
fect upon  the  men  then  in  |)ower.  The  British 
Government  was  now  resorlim;  to  the  same  means 
of  intimidation;  but,  thank  God,  they  had  to  deal 
with  dillerent  aijents  on  the  part  of  this  jieojile. 

I  have  no  prejudice  against  the  British — I  mean 
against  the  British  oco];ilc.  I  admire  them;  I  ad- 
mire those  who  toil  in  her  work-shops  and  her 
fields  of  agriculture;  nay,  if  yo>i  please,  I  admire 
her  armies  and  her  navy.  I  like  them  for  their 
bravery — for  their  love  of  lil)crty — their  virtue — 
their  industry.  Why  should  I  not?  They  are 
blood  of  our  blood,  bone  of  our  bone,  and  llesh  of 
our  flesh;  we  speak  the  same  language;  we  are 
descended  from  the  same  common  ancestry.  But  1 
must  hold  tliem,  as  I  hold  the  rest  of  the  world, 
"  Friends  in  peace,  enemies  in  war."  But  I  draw  a 
distinction  between  the  British  pcojile  and  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  I.  abhor  and  detest  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  Would  to  God  that  the  British 
people — the  Irish,  Scotch,  Welch,  and  English — 
would  rise  up  in  rebellion,  sponge  out  the  national 
debt,  confiscate  the  land,  and  divide  it  among  the 
people.  Never,  in  the  world,  will  they  reach  the 
promised  land  of  equal  rights  except  through  this 
Red  sea  of  blood.  Let  Great  Britani  declare  war, 
and  I  fervently  hope  that  the  British  people — at 
least  the  Irish — will  seize  the  .occasion  to  rise  and 
assert  their  independence. 

Such  are  my  sentiments  in  relation  to  the  British 
Government  and  the  British  people.  In  a  con- 
troversy between  France  and  Great  Britain,  or 
Russia  and  Great  Britain,  I  would  rather  that  the 
British  Government  should  triumph  than  that  she 
should  fall;  I  would  rather  see  the  British  people 
the  subjects  of  the  British  Government  than  the 
subjects  of  France  or  the  serfs  of  Russia.  I  be- 
lieve they  are  better  oft"  under  the  British  Govern- 
ment than  they  would  be  under  a  foreign  yoke; 
but  I  again  repeat  that  I  abhor  that  Government; 
I  abhor  that  purse-proud  and  pampered  aristocracy, 
with  its  bloated  pension  list,  which,  for  centuries 
past,  has  wrung  its  being  from  the  toil,  the  sweat, 
and  the  blood  of  that  people.  This  was  the  senti- 
ment of  the  illustrious  Emmet,  when,  on  his  trial, 
he  declared  "  if  the  French  came  as  invaders,  he 
'  would  meet  them  on  tlie  beach  with  a  s  ivord  in 


'  one  hand  and  a  torch  in  the  other;  he  would  razo 
'  every  house,  and  burn  every  blaihi  of  glass,  and 
'  the  la.^t  intrenchment  of  freedom  should  be  his 
'grave." 

We  should  have  no  controversy  with  the  British 
people,  separate;  and  apart  from  the  aggressive  and 
hostile  action  of  their  Government,  and  we  should 
have  and  express  no  prejudice  against  them  sim- 
ply because  tlu'y  are  Englishmen,  or  sulijects  of  the 
British  Government.  It  is  not  their  fault  that  they 
are  its  subjects.  They  were  born  in  allegiance  to 
it,  and  are  kept  under  by  military  force,  and  the 
power  of  wealth.  For  the  Government,  as  it  ex- 
ists and  exercises  its  functions,  we  have,  and  can 
have,  no  respect  whatever.  If  we  manifest  the 
feeling  we  ought  lo  possess  towiU'ds  them,  they 
would  have  no  special  hatred  towards  us;  and 
even  in  a  war  between  the  two  Powers,  one  of  the 
great  obstacles  to  her  vigorous  prosecution  of  it 
would  be  the  indisposition,  if  not  the  absulule  re- 
pugnance, of  our  transatlantic  brethren  to  fight  us 
and  spill  fraternal  blood,  in  a  contest  in  which  our 
Government  would  be  in  the  right,  and  theirs  in 
the  wrong.  The  colonists  in  the  Revolution  had 
fearhiss  defenders,  even  in  Parliament ;  and  the 
mass  of  the  British  people  were  not  half  so  inimi- 
cal to  us  as  the  king,  \iis  ministers,  and  the  nobil- 
ity. Much  of  their  prejudice  is  artfully  engender- 
eel  by  the  machinations  of  the  nobility,  to  keep 
out  of  the  minds  of  the  people  an  infusie)n  of  the 
leaven  of  Democracy.  We  should  have  the  saga- 
city to  see,  and  the  wit  to  counteract  it,  and  not 
play  into  tlie  hands  of  the  enemies  of  self-govern- 
ment, in  that  respect,  by  an  unnecessary  exhibi- 
tion of  senseless  spleen.  Ne)t  that  we  should  have 
cause  to  dread  them,  one  and  all,  though  actuated 
by  the  bitterest  animosity.  But  their  good  opinion 
is  just  as  well  as  their  ill  will,  and  quite  as  cheap- 
ly purclia.sed.  In  this  friendly  relation  of  good 
opinion,  natural  to  a  common  ancestry,  language, 
and  religion,  I  would  j)lace,  as  well  the  inhabitants 
of  the  island  of  Great  Britain  itself,  as  of  all  her 
colonies  and  dependencies,  near  and  remote. 

Our  symj)athics  for  the  oppressed  of  all  nations 
are  so  strong  that  we  open  our  country  to  them  as 
an  asylum.  Our  naturalization  laws  arc  extremely 
lenient;  and  the  .shortness  of  the  term  of  probation, 
before  aliens  can  become  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  is  a  proof  of  our  friendship  for  every  white 
man  under  the  light  of  heaven,  and  not  less  for 
Englishmen  than  Frenchmen,  Germans,  or  any 
otlier  class  of  the  human  family. 

Should  Canada,  Ireland,  or  other  portion  of  the 
British  empire  strike  for  liberty,  our  sympathies 
would  be  sure  to  be  enlisted  on  their  side,  and  our 
most  fervent  prayers  would  ascend  to  heaven  for 
their  safe  deliverance  from  the  galling  chains  of 
feudal  bondage  and  military  oppression.  I  would 
not  guaranty  that  directly  or  indirectly  our  people, 
in  tiie  struggle,  would  not  give  them  more  sub- 
stantial aid  and  comfort  than  mere  prayers  and 
sympathy.  Our  controversy,  then,  if  controversy 
we  have,  is  with  the  Government  per  se,  and  not 
its  subjects  any  farther  than  they  are  connected 
with  the  Government  in  the  contest;  and  let  them 
so  understand  it.  Should  a  hostile  army  invade 
the  enemy's  country,  it  would  be  a  stre>ke  of  poli- 
cy in  the  commanding  general  to  promise  and  give 
protection  to  the  people  of  the  invaded  district  who 
would  join  bis  stoiidard,  or  not  oppose  his  march. 


It  is  no 
of  the  1 
their  o\ 
by  Hcni 
love  th 
or  prol 
tulioii, 
isliiug 
land,  li 
I')rill^'ll 
and,  t( 
FrenH 
tcncliii 
It  i^' 
forevc 
tation 
news 
mutiia 
so  sy 
necti'd 
gother. 
credit, 


I 


■\u 


I 


KJ  would  raze 
of  ii;ia.sH,  and 
iliould  Ijc  Jiis 

til  llic  IJritish 
^'^i^n.'.ssivcaiid 
lid  we  .sliould 
i«t  tlioiii  «iiu- 
ulijoc.tsor  the 
unit  timt  tlicy 
iilitgiuiicc  to 
>itf,  und  tlie 
i^iit,  us  it  t'x- 
»ve,  and  can 
niaiiifttit  tlie 
lliLni,  they 
uda  un;  and 
N,  one  of  the 
ccution  of  it 
absukite  re- 
n  to  fl^ht  us 
111  wliidi  our 
and  tlieirs  in 
volution  had 
:nt ;  and  t)ie 
alf  so  inimi- 
nd  the  nobil- 
y  enjLcender- 
ity,  to  keep 
usioii  of  the 
ive  tlie  saga- 
it,  und  not 
self-;!^overn- 
sary  cxliibi- 
should  have 
ish  actuated 
jood  opinion 
jtc  as  cheap- 
ion  of  good 
y, language, 
!  inhabitants 
s  of  all  her 
emote. 
'  all  nations 
r  to  them  as 
c  extremely 
f  probation, 
the  United 
2very  white 
not  less  for 
us,  or  any 

•tion  of  tlie 
sympatliies 
do,  and  our 
heaven  for 
;  chains  of 
.     I  would 
jur  people, 
more  sub- 
layers and 
ontroversy 
ie,  and  not 
connected 
id  lot  them 
my  invade 
ke  of  poli- 
>e  and  give 
istrict  who 
lis  inarch. 


!l  is  no  Ipss  wisft  in  ««  to  roncilintc  the  good  will 
of  ilit^  l.ritiMli  people, and  weaken  ilnir  renpcct  for 
their  own  («<ivernni('iit,  rather  than  to  foice  thein> 
by  Hensrii'KH  Niander,  to  hate  our  inptitutioiiH  and 
love  their  own,  whether  with  a  view  to  a  possible 
or  probable  ;<tatc  of  war  or  a  change  of  their  consti- 
tution, vcsimg  tlu^  power  in  the  people  and  abol- 
ishing the  royal  prerogative.  Tlie  press  of  Eng- 
land, by  acting  on  this  principle,  exasperated  tlic 
MriliNli  propb?  agninsl  the  dynasty  of  Napoleon; 
and,  to  some  considerable  extent,  disaflected  tlie 
Fren''h  to  hi-*  prejudice.  If  iiistory  be  philosophy 
tCHliiniT  by  example,  let  us  profit  by  it. 

It  i:i  liigli  time  thai  this  Oregon  controversy  was 
forever  settled  and  jiut  at  rest.  Its  continual  agi- 
tation injuriously  alVects  the  currency  and  busi- 
ness of  the  country,  Currency  and  commerce 
mutually  act  and  react  on  each  other.  They  are 
so  symj)athetii',  and  intimately  and  vitjilly  con- 
nected, as  to  (lourisli  and  fade,  rise  and  fall,  tf)- 
gether.  Our  actual  currency  is  essentially  paper  or 
credit,  and  is  nituie  the  gambling  c,ai)ital  of  the 
stockjobbers  and  brokers,  the  bulls  and  bears  of 
Wallstrect;  and  those  harpies  on  the  public  pros- 
perity never  lose  the  opportunity  to  blow  hot  and 
cold,  up  and  down,  and  spread  ptuiic  as  often  as  our 
foreign  relations,  of  serious  adjustment,  are  moot- 
ed. For  this  cmse,  among  others  of  graver  im- 
port, it  is  the  bounden  duty  of  this  Government 
now  to  bring  this  difficulty  to  a  crisis,  and  give 
repose  and  stability  to  the  business  of  the  coun- 
try, having  constant  regard  to  the  just  rights  and 
honor  of  the  nation.  In  my  humble  judgment  the 
giving  of  this  notice  is  the  first  step  to  be  taken  in 
the  final,  speedy,  peaceful,  honorable,  and  just 
settlement  of  this  vexed  cpiestion. 

Now  why  do  we  want  Oregon .'  It  is  a  large 
country,  extending  some  twelve  and  a  half  degrees 
north  and  south,  and  some  seven  hundred  miles  in 
breadth  from  cast  to  west,  with  a  salubrious  cli- 
mate and  a  fertile  soil.  It  is  the  key  of  the  Pacific. 
It  will  command  the  trade  of  the  isles  of  the  Paci- 
fic, of  the  East,  and  of  China.  We  want  Oregon, 
because  it  is  contiguous  to  the  United  States;  to 
estiiblish  there  the  institutions  of  freedom;  to  plant 
there  the  tree  of  liberty;  to  erect  there  our  standard; 
and  to  wave  there  the  star-.'spangled  banner  upon 
the  highest  and  most  remote  boundaries  of  that 
territory,  in  honor  of  those  institutions  consecrated 
by  the  blood  of  the  Revolution,  and  founded  by 
our  Washington,  our  Franklin,  our  Jefferson » 
and  our  Adams.  We  want  it,  sir,  because  it  is 
ours;  because  the  British  ivant  it;  because  it  will 
make  a  happy  home  for  unborn  millions  who  arc 
to  emigrate  from  these  States  to  the  west  of  the 
Rocky  mountains;  we  want  it  because  our  peo])le 
have  gone  there,  wish  to  go  there^  and  will  go  there, 
to  make  permanent  settlements^  to  establish  homes 
for  themselves  and  their  posteritv  forever. 

I  repeat,  sir,  unless  we  give  this  notice  and  fol- 
low up  the  giving  this  notice,  by  the  extension 
of  our  laws  and  protection  over  our  settlers  in 
Oregon,  that  they  never  will  go  north  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river  to  settle;  that  the  whole  territory 
north  of  the  Columbia  is  certain,  in  the  end,  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  Great  Britain.  She  now  has 
Fort  Vancouver,  Fort  George,  and  various  other 
forts  located  on  the  Columbia,  with  her  settle- 
ments about  them;  and  our  citizen-s  will  not  go 


thrrr.  If  wc  fail  to  rnrry  out  the  recommfind* 
ati(uis  of  the  Ex»'culive,  which  to  me  seem  rea- 
sonable and  just,  mu*  citizens,  instead  of  bend- 
ing their  course  to  the  northward  of  the  Columbia 
river,  will  eventually  go  down  to  California,  and 
make  their  settlement  in  the  south;  and  thus  will 
carry  (uit  that  •' nmstely  inoctivity"  policy  to 
which  1  have  adverted. 

When  I  rose,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  did  not  expect 
to  occMj>y  the  full  time  allowed  me,  I  have  briefly 
glance(l  at  the  leading  considerations  that  have 
governed  nic  and  brought  me  to  the  conclusion  I 
have  aftaiiied,  tluit  we  are  boutid — iioiind  by  the 
honor  of  this  nation,  and  by  that  justic'j  which  is 
due  to  oiu-  settlers  in  Oregon — to  givv,  this  notice; 
to  unfetter  ourselves,  and  to  extend  luir  laws  and 
our  jurisdiction  over  this  people,  that  they  may 
receive  that  encouragement  whi'  h  is  necessary  for 
the  occujiation  and  the  peopling  of  this  territory. 
It  appears  to  me — and  so  I  think  the  British  Gov- 
ernment will  regard  it — that  if  we  fail  to  give  this 
notice,  and  to  jmss  those  measures  which  are  re- 
commended to  us,  and  which  gentlemen  say  they 
will  j)ass,  that  the  British  Government  will  regard 
it  as  an  indication  on  the  part  of  Congress,  tvt  least, 
that  the  territory  south  of  4i)°  as  well  as  north  or 
40°,  is  a  matter  for  negotiation,  for  compromise» 
and  for  division.  Now,  is  there  any  gentleman  on 
this  floor  v.ho  is  prepared  to  say  that  the  terri- 
tory south  of  4'.)°  docs  not  belong  to  us .'  And  is 
there  any  one  on  thi^  floor  prepared  to  intimate 
to  the  Executive  or  to  Great  Britain  that  the  ter- 
ritory south  of  that  parallel  is  open  for  negotia' 


tion.'     1  trust  not;  and, 
views,  I  yield  the  floor. 


having  submitted  these 


APPENDIX. 

Oonvcntion  hctirecn  the  United  Slates  of  Jtmcrica  nnd  (htnt 
Britain,  sv^ncd  at  London,  Oclohcr  20,  1818. 

Article  3.  It  is  ■nprccrt  that  a  line  ilraWn  Onin  tlin  most 
iKnttiwesterti  point  of  tlic  I.nltr  of  tlie  Worlds,  along  the 
forty-ninth  piirallcl  of  nnrtli  latitude,  or,  if  tin;  said  point 
shall  not  he  in  tlic  fbrty-ninth  pariillel  of  north  latitutn,thcn 
that  a  line  drawn  from' the  Knid  point  dne  north  or  south,  ns 
the  ciise  may  be,  Until  the  said  line  shall  intersect  the  said 
.larallel  of  north  latitude,  and  from  the  point  of  such  inter- 
t<pction  due  west  aloui;  and  w  ith  the  said  parallel,  shall  be 
the  line  of  deniarkaflon  between  the  territories  of  the.  United 
Status  and  Iho-se  of  his  Kritannic  Majesty;  and  that  the  said 
linn  shidl  form  the  norUiern  boundary  of  llie  said  territories 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  southern  boimd.'iry  of  the  telf- 
ritories  of  his  Rritannic  Majesty,  ft-oin  the  Lake  of  thO 
Woods  to  the  Stony  nioinitains. 

Art.  3,  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  claimed 
by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast  of  Ainerieaj  westward 
of  the  Stciiy"  mountains,  shall,  toRcther  with  its  harbors) 
bays,  an.t  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  the 
same,  be  ft-ce  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the 
date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention,  to  the  ves- 
sels, citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers  j  it  being  welt 
understood  that  this  agreement  is  not  to  be  construed  to  the 
prejudice  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two  high  Con- 
tracting parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said  country) 
nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  atfect  the  claims  of  any  other  I'o  weir 
or  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country;  the  only  object  of 
the  hinh  contracting  parties,  in  that  respect,  being  to  prevent 
disputes  nnd  differences  among  tlicmsclvcs, 


Convention  between  the  United  States  and  Greni  Britain^ 
sis;ned  at  London^,  ^tigust  6,  1827. 

Article  1.  All  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the 
convention  concluded  between  the  United  '''  "■'«  of  Amer- 
ica and  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Uniteu  ■-  ;  i£(lom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  on  the  20th  of  Uetober)  1818,  sholt 


i 


8 


hf,  and  '' py  nm  liernby,  fiirttmr  iiiilifliiilcly  rTtrndoil  nnd 
roiitiMii  I  ill  forci',  ill  till'  miiiH'  nriiiiirr  ih  il'  nil  llif  |>ri»- 
vJHioiiMOl'llir  Niilil  iirticli'  wiTf  liiTcIri  uprcilli'iilly  nciti'd. 

Akt.  'J.  It  hIiiiII  he  CDiiipi'li'iit,  Iidwi'Vit,  to  ritlicr  iif  ttii' 
«()iitrnctiiil(  purtK'^,  in  ('ii-.c  cltin'r  !<liiiiilil  tliiiik  (it,  iit  any 
tl nil- niter  tin-  '-i'Wi  OctDlicr,  !■'■.•-<,  on  kivIiij;  diir  iioiii'i-  ol 
twi'lvc  iiiontliH  to  the  other  eontriu'liiiK  piirty,  to  iiiiiiiil  mid 
•broj;iitelhi«cunvi:iiliuii;  mid  It  simll,  in  Hiii'li  cum.-,  bu  ac- 


rnrdln^ly  ontirrly  nnniillcd  iind  abronntod,  nflor  the  <ixplra- 

tioii  of  the  Niinl  leriii  ol'liotiei'. 

Art.  ;I.  \otliiiiK  coiiiiiineil  In  llii^  ronvention,  or  In  the 
third  iirticle  of  the  ronvention  ol' (Ii>-  "Jillli  Oetolicr.  IH|H, 
lierehy  rontJiMied  in  liiree,  Nlinll  be  eonstriied  to  iiiipiiir,  or 
in  any  inanner  iiU'ect,  tin;  cliiiniH  wliieli  either  ol'  the  coii- 
tnieliiiu  (lartieit  may  have  to  my  part  or  Ulu  cuuiilry  wuil- 
wiird  of  ihu  tJtuny  ur  Ruvky  uiouiiluliif. 


after  tlio  oxpird- 
I'litiiin.  (ir  In  the 

ll  Oi'Mlicr.  IHIH, 
<'il  to  liiipitir,  or 
Jirr  1)1'  tlx'  ciiii- 

lU  COUIlU)'  WVllt- 


I 


